The phenomenon of "big" in recent years has led to thinking about research methods based on data that preceded digitization.
Historical interest in data techniques has been mobilized to argue that scientific hypothesis formation is self-similar given the vast amount of data available, and the purely inductive nature of scientific and technological research with scientific big data has also been criticized.
Through their criticism, the role of theory in the production and processing of data is emphasized. Thus, thinking about "big" generates contours, analysis as an exploratory procedure today and makes itself and how it is processed.
However, updating the historical context for this concept and its application is still in its infancy.
Among them, ∞ is not a new category in the history of science. After Kuhn, they played a central role in the reorientation of theory into practice.
Bruno Rathol and Hans-Jörg Reinberg, 2017, have demonstrated in their experimental laboratory studies how data is structured and generated.
Latore describes how individual empirical data can be made simpler, more compact, and more intuitively "invariant" by repeatedly and quickly compressing them; compressing facts, and then linking those facts with other data to reveal the structure and visualize it. In the practice of the humanities, scientific observation, or the history of quantification, data is the focus of indirect attention.
These questions concern what to do with the vast amount of information from the early modern era, whether it be in the form of many books and texts, endless observations of natural history, or a bureaucratic avalanche of tables and drawings.
On the basis of these works, I directly and explicitly place the word "∞" below in the spotlight as a semantic and historical category.
I will trace the meanings and usage of this word from the end of the 18th century and especially from the 19th century.
At the same time, I wonder what methods, techniques and practices accompany its use.
Historizing the concept and its analysis of the relevant material cultures shows that research based on data has not yet been carried out by genealogical research.
Not computer scientists of the 20th and 21st centuries, but representatives of various sciences in the 19th century, who used the potential of the word and its methods in a new way, thus opening the age of digital information, the history of which is described by the era of the quantitative or probabilistic revolution by Ian Hacking , Theodore Porter, Alain Derosiera, Lorraine Duston and others
For the purposes of this article, compilation methods for government surveys are seen as a data practice that emerged with the rise of statistical thinking, behind the "print avalanche" (hacking) of the 1990s and 19th century.
This paper states that the theoretical, conceptual, and intermediate foundations of data-driven research are laid down using newly developed manual processes before machines (such as Hollerith's system or computers) manually replace, speed up, and modify compilation.
The demographic data of Prussia around 1860, which has undergone major changes, illustrate this point.
Historians of science and historians have studied the Prussian census and its reforms, as well as in a quantitative historical context, especially in the context of university subject education, studied critical thinking and obtained institutional historical profiles.
Relying on this literature with a systems theory approach to show the managerial characteristic logic of the production of statistical knowledge, and in discussion, this article is devoted to the analysis of the material culture of the Prussian census with an interest in the history of data.
My concern is how to make the Prussian census explicitly dependent on data.
I reconstructed the word in it: relatives, and on the other hand, I want to talk about the methods and techniques for conducting the largest mass survey in Germany on the 19th.
Make the eyelid look like a media practice. The data is also democratized and not necessarily physically linked, in this case it is the paper medium on which it is recorded and stored.
These memories serve an epistemological function as they strongly influence the conceptual and material basis of processing and results.
Therefore, an important starting point for this article is the study of practical research activities, paper technologies and writing systems in management and science since modern times.
Fundamental changes that took place in Prussian demographics between 1860 and 1871.
I am not using this term here because it is currently used primarily for the storage and processing of personal data.
Looking back to the 19th century, the concept of truth is used to describe a process of conceptual reinterpretation and actual transformation of the collection and processing methods commonly used up to that time.
Viewing and recalling survey materials goes hand in hand with the development of new methods and tools for collecting more and more accurate information, not only summing up the collected materials, but also moving them, as well as connecting in various combinations, aggregating and plotting.
From 1860 to 1871, what in the largest state of Germany was a static process of questioning and evaluation, turned into a dynamic work based on data, the concept of which also explicitly uses the term "itself ∞".
To illustrate this real process, I will follow five steps:
First of all, in the first draft, I found the meaning of the word "∞", which was used in the 19th century census.
In the second step, I summarize the main conceptual framework of the pioneering reform of the railroad census in the 1860s that is associated with the use of this term.
In the third stage, I worked on a technical means of implementing this innovation. ∞ is a mobile paper tool providing a new form of demographic data and display, implemented not only in Prussia, but also in the statistical offices of other countries in Germany and Europe.
In the fourth stage, I will focus on the period after 1871, describing the implementation of reforms and the concrete development of research material in Berlin.
Of particular note are the logistics of handling large volumes of paper, the organization of the workforce, and the mental demands necessary to evaluate new mobile forms as quickly and accurately as possible.
The way the Prussian census results were obtained turned out to be a surprisingly complex and circular operation of spatial extent across Berlin.
Because in order to move data quickly and get accurate results at the lowest cost, ONS uses an estimation method, which, in Latour's view, is a combination of large amounts of data and its availability. Consists of moving paper.
He relies on his files and much of his compilation work on the wives and relatives of his male assistants and civil servants.
In the fifth and final part, I broaden my horizons and explore what the phenomenon of nineteenth century empirical research really was.
Not limited to demography, but reflected in other research practices, from botany and taxonomy of paleontology to the historical school of national economy.
In conclusion, I would like to briefly reflect on why verdatung has just given a new impetus to these historically oriented disciplines in the nineteenth century with astonishing results.